The deceased US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who died at the age of 84, was considered arguably the most significant incumbents of the vice-presidency in US history. While many second-in-commands were confined to minor or figurehead positions, Cheney held huge power during the administration of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was often described as the "actual president".
Bush objected to that description and said the connection was more complex. He pointed out that Cheney was deferential, consistently calling him in public settings as President, while he referred to him as Dick. Bush disputed even characterisations of their partnership as a partnership because it indicated that they were on equal footing. Regardless of these denials, Cheney found the laidback president accommodating on a wide array of policy decisions.
The Post-9/11 Era
In charge of a group of neo-conservatives that included defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he pushed hard for the invasion of Iraq in 2003 in response to the September 11th attacks on New York and Washington. At the time of the 9/11 attack, Bush had been attending a session at a school in Florida. As Bush headed for a secure location in Nebraska, Cheney assumed control, commanding the downing of any unidentified airplanes heading toward the government building.
Cheney stated the strikes changed him, leading him to become focused on revenge. In conjunction with other neo-conservatives, including Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he campaigned for a occupation of Afghanistan in an endeavor to seize Osama bin Laden. Cheney then strongly advocated for the armed intervention of Iraq, even though there was insufficient indication of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Controversial Decisions
He voiced no apologies about the armed intervention, in which an reckoned 100,000 Iraqis lost their lives, or about the harsh treatment of suspects captured after 9/11. He stated to CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion effort, which was predicated on inaccurate information circulated by Cheney, was the correct path to take. "It proved to be the right thing to do then. I was convinced back then and I maintain that stance presently."
But even then, there were contrary opinions at a top tier about the poor management of Iraq. One of the administration's own special envoys to the area, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the role. "I saw, as a baseline," he subsequently stated "true dereliction, negligence, and irresponsibility: potentially, falsehoods, unfitness, and graft."
Additional Factors
Cheney was not solely responsible for the Iraq campaign. Even before 9/11, Wolfowitz had called for comparable steps. He had written a document outlining scenarios in which American interests might be compromised (featuring "access to crucial commodities, primarily Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had asserted that "America should be postured to take unilateral action when collective action cannot be orchestrated," particularly referencing defense operations against Iraq.
Bush too had assumed the White House vaguely intent on carrying out what his predecessor had specifically avoided to do in 1991; remove Saddam. Following he had been dismissed by the White House, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill recounted how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had announced his plan of lowering America's involvement in the Middle East dispute and mooted armed intervention against Iraq.
Bush held a private grievance against Saddam, thinking he had been responsible for a plot to kill his parent, President George HW Bush, on a trip to Kuwait in 1993. He furthermore resented that one of the biggest establishments in Baghdad had a surface artwork with a image of his father's face that all visitors had to step on.
Interrogation Methods
Yet it was Cheney who was part of the most outspoken behind invading Iraq, frequently referencing information documents that were whether insubstantial or completely inaccurate. He backed what the Bush White House politely called as "intensive questioning", the application of waterboarding and physical pressure.
Addressing a Senate document in 2014 that found that no valuable data had come from the harsh techniques, Cheney disregarded the report as "riddled with crap". He informed Fox News: "We requested [the CIA] to implement measures and create procedures to apprehend the individuals who murdered 3,000 of us on 9/11 and ensure it never happened again. That's exactly what they did and they deserve a lot of credit."
External Perception
Cheney took pleasure in monikers imposed on him by critics such as the dark character and the dark figure, and by the concept that he was a shadow power directing Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 book about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is quoted as saying: "Am I the sinister strategist in the shadows that remains unseen emerge from his lair? This represents a nice way to work, actually."
Commercial Ties
Dispute over his commercial relationships followed him through his period as second-in-command. While he had limited background in business but established relationships in security, especially in Saudi Arabia, he was offered a position at Halliburton, one of the world's most substantial petroleum companies, in 1995 as chair and CEO.
In 2000 he became Bush's VP candidate for the executive branch. Contentiously, during the Iraq war, Halliburton was given US deals totaling billions.
It significantly boosted his finances. His yearly earnings during his tenure at the corporation grew from his quarter-million dollars when he was military head to $4.4m. When he departed in 2000 he had a compensation package totaling more than $20m|twenty
